A Psychological Profile of the Alt-Right
Discussion
Portrayals of the alt-right vary widely, with some emphasizing the movement’s anti-globalist and anti-establishment views (Guardian style editors, 2016; Bokhari & Yiannopoulos, 2016) and others emphasizing the movement’s interest in maintaining structures of group-based privilege (Lyons, 2017; SLPC, 2017; Caldwell, 2016; NPR staff, 2016; Armstrong, 2017).
We found some evidence for the populist portrayal, as alt-right supporters expressed suspicion of mainstream media and trust in alternative media. Interestingly, we found little evidence that this populism extended to economic issues: alt-right supporters were more optimistic about the current and future states of the economy than non-supporters.
In contrast, we found abundant support for portrayals of the alt-right that emphasize their perception that certain historically advantaged groups are superior to other groups and need their interests protected. Our alt-right sample reported high levels of social dominance orientation, strong support for collective action on behalf of White people, and strong opposition to collective action on behalf of Black people. They also tended to perceive their favored groups as less advantaged than their outgroups and adversaries, and saw discrimination against groups like Whites and men as more of a problem than that against groups like women and Blacks. Taken together, these results suggest that members of the alt-right feel that the social positions of their favored groups are under threat, consistent with theoretical accounts describing a conservative shift in response to status-anxiety (Craig & Richeson, 2014; Gest et al., 2017; Norton & Sommers, 2011). Alt-right adherents also expressed hostility that could be considered extremist: they were quite willing to blatantly dehumanize both religious/national outgroups and political opposition groups, reported high levels of the motivations to express prejudice towards Black people, and reported high levels of harassing and offensive behavior.
Although these patterns characterized our alt-right sample overall, our cluster analyses revealed heterogeneity in the form of subgroups. One of these, which we labeled “supremacists”, showed especially pronounced bias favoring certain groups over others and reported characteristics potentially reflective of extremism: they reported very high motivations to express prejudice, extreme dehumanization of religious, national, and political opposition groups, as well as very high Dark Triad scores and more frequent aggressive behavior. The other subgroup, which we labeled “populists”, reported lower extremist tendencies and greater concern about government corruption.
The exact relationship between these two subgroups is unclear. It is possible, for example,that the clusters represent two stages in a developmental trajectory of alt-right identification, with people starting in the populist cluster and then moving into the supremacist cluster as they acquire more alt-right friends—a possibility consistent our finding that those in the supremacist cluster were relatively ideologically embedded among fellow alt-righters. Becoming more embedded within alt-right social networks may further motivate people to express prejudice, both for value-based and normative reasons, causing more dehumanization and aggression. People in the two clusters may also simply have different personalities, a possibility consistent with the finding that those in the supremacist cluster reported higher Dark Triad scores.
Regardless, our findings clearly suggest that blatant, explicit forms of intergroup bias deserve continued empirical attention(see Forscher et al., 2015; Kteily et al., 2015; Kteily & Bruneau, in press). Despite psychology’s rich history of examining intentional and/or blatant intergroup bias (e.g., Adorno et al., 1950; Westie, 1964; Pettigrew, 1958), contemporary intergroup research focuses on more subtle forms (e.g., Dovidio, Kawakami, & Gaertner, 2002; see Forscher & Devine, 2015). This pattern suggests an unstated—and perhaps unduly optimistic—assumption that blatant intergroup bias is a feature of a bygone past. Although our data do not permit statements about the relative prevalence of either alt-right support or blatant intergroup bias, they do support the argument that blatant intergroup bias has by no means disappeared and must be given greater attention in contemporary theorizing on intergroup issues.
Indeed, it was not just the mean levels of these variables that were notable: consistent with the work highlighting the predictive utility of explicit measures(e.g., Kteily et al., 2015; Forscher et al., 2015), we also observed that several explicit measures, including the motivations to express prejudice toward Blacks, relative dehumanization of Blacks versus Whites, social dominance, and right-wing authoritarianism all predicted self-reported aggression and support for race-based collective action. The fact that these constructs uniquely predicted separate outcomes supports the view that these variables have both discriminant and predictive validity and should be considered in combination rather than isolation. Of particular note, ascent dehumanization appears to be more than a motivation to express negativity toward a group, and the motivations to express prejudice appear to be more than blatant dehumanization.
Limitations
This study is not without its limitations.Our study is cross-sectional, so it can only speak strongly to the correlates rather than causes of alt-right membership.We also only measured a subset of potentially relevant variables, likely capturing an incomplete psychological profile of the alt-right. Of particular interest is whether alt-right adherents differ on variables like the full moral foundations questionnaire (we were only able to measure purity reliably), status anxiety, and trait-based trust.
Our participants were also recruited through convenience sampling. Thus, we cannot speak to whether the psychological profile we documented generalizes to either other alt-right members or other insurgent right-wing political movements. Lastly, our sampling depended on alt-right participants self-reporting their identification, which raises the possibility that they were lying (Chandler & Paolacci, 2017). We do not think this is likely for at least two reasons. First,we probed for alt-right membership a second time once the survey was complete, and ensured participants had no incentive to lie. Second, our participants’ free responses (available at(
https://osf.io/xge8q/) match our quantitative findings and use terminology unique to the alt-right subculture. For example, several respondents used insults specific to the alt-right (e.g., “cuckservative”, “snowflake”) and dismissed accusations of racism on grounds of racial realism. One respondent answered the question, “What are your thoughts when people claim the alt-right is racist?” with the following:
[...] If it were not for Europeans, there would be nothing but the third world. Racist really needs defined. Is it racist to not want your community flooded with 3,000 low IQ blacks from the Congo? I would suggest almost everyone would not. It is not racist to want to live among your own. [...] Through media [the Jews] lie about the Holohoax, and the slave trade. Jews were the slave traders, not Europeans.. many people don't even understand these simple things.[...]
We believe a person merely lying for money is unlikely to generate this kind of response.
Conclusion
Our work takes an important step toward examining the psychology underlying identification with the alt-right. Our work reveals support both for portrayals that emphasize their anti-establishment sentiments and those that highlight supremacist tendencies.The group also appears to have some extremist elements. Given the rise in hate groups since Trump’s election (Potok, 2017),and in light of recent calls for social scientists investigate the causes of extremism(Nature Human Behavior, 2017; Baez et al.,2017), understanding the psychological roots of the alt-right and other similar groups is a high priority for future research.