Change the title. Ex: An unsigned work of "the editors" where you would be accurate, for a change.
It's an opinion on political speech "Terms of Servitude". But seeing as how you're stubborn on the point, I'll continue.
It reminds me of something Whittaker Chambers wrote about characters in a work of fiction who had no redeeming qualities, whatsoever, and were singled out for scorn. "Dissent from revelation so final can only be willfully wicked ... from almost every page ... a voice can be heard, from painful necessity, commanding: "To a gas chamber--go!"
When you hear enough of the discourse saying Trump voters are fascist racists with no redeeming qualities whatsoever, the subtext is that they deserve something like the gulag, or re-education camp, or gas chambers. It's when writers admit to nuance and don't pound on with their haughty conclusions that mentions of a possible gulag are far from warranted. That part I didn't see too much beyond poetic flourish.
The division of red state and blue state, and add whatever precision you want, metros vs rurals, should give rise to Ellmer's "two nations occupying the same country." Voter ID laws are mundane protections for vote integrity, vs racist acts reminiscent of Jim Crow. Immigration is a right, vs should be reduced and regulated. All the other divides. All the talking past each other and accusing each other of residing in bubbles that affirm their ideology.
He takes it towards accusing the other side of not really being citizens or Americans, which goes way too far. The constitution has an amendment process that makes a future America different than a past America of the founders. They envisioned change in what America and America means. So he goes too far here, and it's unsupported. If he had constrained himself in the matter of discourse representing something profoundly unAmerican, he'd be on better ground. Try asking a big Bernie Bro or member of the identitarian left to give a non-demeaning reason for some of the 75 million Americans to have voted for Trump and you'll catch my drift. But again, he's not going narrow, he's going broad.
Republican party critique is boring. Trump arose from a flaccid GOP apparatus that had abandoned its constituents and forced candidates on them for too long. Same with the tired "all is lost, there's nothing worth conserving left anymore." Too defeatist, and ignores the good parts of civil society we still have. Conservatism isn't just national party politics and those fortunes.
Populism was always the rusty emergency button for corrupt systems that served to enrich a minority ("elites") or some detached power center for it's own moral uprightness. Ellmers is partially right on that point. (Addenda: The emergency button frequently goes onto its own excesses that makes people question just how bad were the ills it first addressed, and whether it was worth it in the end). He speaks about the corrupt system, and voter's identification of it, and discourse is included. He's wrong to say "Trump understood this" at a "basic level." Trump had some kind of gut instinct about immigration and trade, and very little clue about anything else and just struck wildly at targets right and wrong. He doesn't get credit about understanding things beyond something was wrong in Washington DC. He ended up doing very little lasting damage to the "deep state" or whatever some voters thought he might do. Trump got lucky sometimes, no more. He arrived as a circus performer, and was luckily enough put into a political scene at a time where it resembles a circus.
Action part: Rejection of the US constitution and "the answers to these questions are not obvious" rather betray the fact that he is better at identifying problems than suggesting solutions. The constitution and its means of stopping rot through requiring broad national consensus to engage is major action affecting all states (a few asterisks there with executive orders, but w/e) has been the greatest boon against bad agendas and bad policy for centuries. He is wrong to not speak to that "working as intended" caveat, for all the societal ills that show its shortcomings (and was it ever designed for or possible to regulate a citizenry so at odds with basics civics or civic virtue?).
A little rah-rah on the function of Claremont. I don't have much to say there. I liked their former membership and intellectual arguments a big more than their current ones. Some basic definitions of "factional interests" that's old conservative boilerplate. People that think it's new or radical should read more Aristotle, Rousseau, and Madison. And the Federalist papers. Nothing really to comment there.
He's got the stuff on education next. Yes, I wish people were better educated about the American founding and arguments going on between states and within states prior to there being a United States. I don't know if any conservatives here think anything's interesting in his harkening back to Jaffa. There's a certain disunity in fundamentally irreconcilable differences in what government is and what it should have the power to do. Maybe I too would prefer a consensus between citizens on certain preferable limits, and public education to have a debate around the subject. That's about the most I can offer on that. He's clunky and more than a little aggrandizing of his institution's role.
So ending an overly long essay and trying to put the place that currently employs him into some leading role is a bad choice on his part. The conservative movement within the Republican party has never depended on any single news show, publication, columnist, or editorial page. So, whatever. It's strange he speaks down on the anarcho-libertarians, and Benedict-option Christians, since he own preferred means is much less identifying of solutions as either of those two. If you're going for "“Conservatism” is no Longer Enough" or "Why the Claremont Institute is not conservative and you shouldn't be either," mark more solution paths to show it's not just another Flight 93 redux.
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They're both relative terms, so you'd do yourself much better to admit there is no objective middle than to propose it lies where you say it does. Relative to Europe, Republicans are definitely far right. Relative to 1950s America, they're crazy left. But enough of defining the center, left, and right to wherever makes you privileged to reject extremism.