President Joe Biden has surprised European allies by spurring Western unity against China, applying subtle pressure to advance priorities once associated with Donald Trump’s confrontational demeanor.
Biden’s rhetorical contrast with Trump tempted European officials to perceive a “magic force” in his presidency, heralding an end to the controversies that brought intense acrimony to the surface of the transatlantic alliance. That promised change in tone has allowed Biden’s team to pursue many of the same policies that then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo favored, but in a manner that compensates for the difficulties of Trump’s idiosyncratic policy preferences and personality.
“Everything goes very fast, probably faster than expected,” a European diplomat told the Washington Examiner. “Europeans didn't expect the [Biden] administration to move so quickly within the alliance against China.”
“Right now, [the Biden administration] is trying to restore, rebuild a strong relationship with the European Union,” an Indo-Pacific official observed. That outreach is eased by Biden’s condemnation of Trump’s withdrawal from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, but when it comes to the Indo-Pacific, this source “cannot see a big difference between the Biden administration's China policy and the Trump administration.”
Secretary of State Antony Blinken put both priorities on display during his trip to Brussels this week. In addition to the NATO foreign ministers meeting, Blinken huddled with the EU officials who finalized an investment agreement with China in December — a deal that frustrated the Biden team and disappointed Uyghur Muslim activists who had hoped that European officials would refuse to sign such a pact while China subjects Uyghurs to “modern-day slavery” and the atrocities that occur in Xinjiang's mass detention camps.
“We see the European Union as a partner of first resort on a broad array of issues, and China is one of them,” Blinken told reporters Wednesday. “Our judgment is that the onus is really going to be on China to demonstrate that the pledges it’s made on forced labor, on state-owned enterprises, on subsidies, are not just talk and that the Chinese Government will follow through on the commitments that it’s made. So, I suspect that not only will we be looking to that but so will the European Union.”
It all sounds so polite, but the reality is plain: European officials don't have Trump to kick around anymore. His discourtesies made it easy for European allies to ignore the Trump administration. “Now they feel more pressure, probably,” the European diplomat said.
Biden’s advisers likewise have built on the Trump administration’s approach to allies on China’s borders. The coronavirus pandemic has impeded overseas travel, but Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin set out for the Pacific Rim on their first trip abroad. Just days before their departure, White House officials unveiled a vaccine production initiative in coordination with Japan, Australia, and India — a diplomatic quartet championed by Pompeo and feared by China as a potential “mini-NATO.”
Blinken and Austin arrived in South Korea just days after the announcement of an agreement on how to share the costs of U.S. troop deployments on the Korean Peninsula. Biden’s team inked that deal in the first months of his presidency because they adopted a proposal that was all-but agreed upon during the previous administration but never received Trump’s personal approval.
“It's fair to say that they set up the agreement that the Biden administration was there to take advantage of,” Foundation for Defense of Democracies senior fellow David Maxwell said. “The Trump administration set it up, and the Biden administration closed the deal.”
Biden’s team wanted to signal its commitment to the South Korea alliance, but they weren’t about to give back any concessions that Trump’s team obtained from Seoul, which agreed to increase its contribution by 13.9%. "It's the largest increase that's occurred in decades,” Maxwell added. “It's a substantial win there from a cost-sharing perspective.”
In tandem, Biden’s team has absorbed, even invited, criticism from authoritarians whom Trump used to conciliate. Blinken and White House national security adviser Jake Sullivan broadcast a tempestuous opening round of talks with Chinese officials last week in Alaska, a public dispute observed around the world. That clash preceded a cascade of sanctions from the U.S., Canada, the United Kingdom, and the EU, which blacklisted Chinese Communist officials overseeing the Uyghur Muslim repression.
“If the outcome that matters here is to get allies and partners more on side with the U.S. approach to China, I think they’ve had a pretty good week,” said the American Enterprise Institute’s Zack Cooper, who worked in the Pentagon and the White House during George W. Bush’s presidency. “They made progress on Asia last week. They’re making progress in Europe this week. I don’t know what else we would expect of them.”
Chinese Communist truculence has made it easier for hawks on both sides of the Atlantic to advance their priorities. China’s envoy in Paris offended the French this week by tweeting a barrage of “insults and threats” and then claimed that a scheduling problem prevented him from honoring a summons to the French Foreign Ministry.
“Neither France nor Europe is a doormat,” the French diplomatic corps’ Europe Minister Clement Beaune said in response. “When you are summoned as an ambassador, you pay a visit to the foreign ministry.”
China’s decision to sanction an array of European officials and analysts in retaliation for the Western moves on behalf of the Uyghurs only ensured that the Chinese representative in Germany would also receive a tongue-lashing.
"We have made it very clear to the Chinese ambassador in Berlin that the sanctioning of members of Parliament and scientists is absolutely incomprehensible,” German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas said Tuesday. “While we sanction abuses of human rights, Beijing sanctions democracy. We cannot accept this.”
These are gratifying trends for conservatives who defended the Trump administration’s policies in the face of Democratic and Western European criticism.
“I'm very excited about all this; it's all to the good,” said the Heritage Foundation’s James Carafano, who believes that Biden was poised to be too cooperative with Beijing before the recent round of disputes.
“It just puts us back into a more healthy space, which we were [in] under to the Trump administration, which is: The way to get to stability with China, and the way to deal with their aggressive destabilizing behavior, is to focus on the points of contention and demonstrate your willingness to safeguard your own vital interests,” he added. "That's how you get to stability with China.”
In any case, the competition with China is a marathon, not a sprint, and Biden’s team will have to develop a detailed long-term plan to inoculate allies against Beijing’s mix of economic inducements and political pressure.
“What's the strategy there?” the European official said. "What the administration wants to achieve, probably ultimately we do know, but probably the steps are not so clear.”